Showing posts with label Filibuster. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Filibuster. Show all posts

Sunday, October 20, 2013

Filibuster

(Difference between revisions)A '''filibuster''' blocks a [[United States Senate|Senate]] vote on a bill or nominee, causing its defeat.  Under Senate rules, one senator can delay a vote by talking for hours and hours, and 41 senators (less than a majority) can defeat a bill[[Budget Reconciliation bill]]s cannot be filibustered. or nominee by simply voting against [[cloture]] to end debate.  Filibusters do not occur in the House of Representatives because its rules do not allow it.A '''filibuster''' blocks a vote on a bill or nominee, causing its defeat.  The term applies most commonly to the [[United States Senate]], but filibusters exist in many state senates too.  There are variations on a filibuster allowed in some state houses or assemblies, such in the Texas House, where it is called "chubbing".http://www.texastribune.org/texas-politics/texas-house-of-representatives/texplainer-what-is-chubbing/ The U.S. House of Representatives does not allow any filibusters or equivalents.Under the rules of the U.S. Senate, one senator can delay a vote by talking for hours and hours, and 41 senators (less than a majority) can defeat a bill[[Budget Reconciliation bill]]s cannot be filibustered. or nominee by simply voting against [[cloture]] to end debate.  Filibusters do not occur in the House of Representatives because its rules do not allow it.In general parliamentary procedure, a filibuster is any tactic to delay and avoid a substantive vote by debating it at length, by offering numerous procedural motions, or by any other delaying or obstructive actions.[http://www.senate.gov/reference/glossary_term/filibuster.htm] US Senate ReferenceIn general parliamentary procedure, a filibuster is any tactic to delay and avoid a substantive vote by debating it at length, by offering numerous procedural motions, or by any other delaying or obstructive actions.[http://www.senate.gov/reference/glossary_term/filibuster.htm] US Senate Reference

A filibuster blocks a vote on a bill or nominee, causing its defeat. The term applies most commonly to the United States Senate, but filibusters exist in many state senates too. There are variations on a filibuster allowed in some state houses or assemblies, such in the Texas House, where it is called "chubbing".[1] The U.S. House of Representatives does not allow any filibusters or equivalents.

Under the rules of the U.S. Senate, one senator can delay a vote by talking for hours and hours, and 41 senators (less than a majority) can defeat a bill[2] or nominee by simply voting against cloture to end debate. Filibusters do not occur in the House of Representatives because its rules do not allow it.

In general parliamentary procedure, a filibuster is any tactic to delay and avoid a substantive vote by debating it at length, by offering numerous procedural motions, or by any other delaying or obstructive actions.[3]

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In practice 19th century filibusters were successful only at the end of a session, when the clock was ticking. The Senate thereby refused to vote on the Wilmot Proviso regarding slavery in 1846.

In 1917 a bipartisan group of liberal isolationists led by Senator Robert LaFollette filibustered a bill to arm American merchant ships that were being attacked by German submarines; war had not been declared and the opponents thought big business was promoting a war with Germany. The filibuster stopped the legislation, but President Woodrow Wilson used his war powers to arm the ships anyway.[4]

In 1941, on the eve of World War II, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in an effort to integrate minority groups into the war effort, issued an executive order, with no vote in Congress, that created the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC), and enlarged its responsibilities in 1943. It required companies with federal contracts to not discriminate against employees on the base of race, religion or ethnicity. However, only congressional action could extend its life beyond the war years. Senator Dennis Chavez of New Mexico introduced a bill to establish a permanent FEPC in 1945 which set off a national controversy over how much control the federal government should have in employment practices. Southern Democrats viewed the bill as a step toward social equality of the races. Leading the opposition was Senator Theodore G. Bilbo of Mississippi who vowed he would beat the 'damnable, unAmerican and unconstitutional' FEPC to death. The bill was withdrawn from consideration after a 24-day filibuster.[5]

After 1917 the most famous filibusters were undertaken by Southern Democrats to block civil rights legislation. The record for the longest filibuster is held by Senator Strom Thurmond, who filibustered against the Civil Rights Act of 1957 for 24 hours, 18 minutes.[6]

The right of unlimited debate in the Senate was rejected by the Founding Fathers. The Continental Congress adopted Rule 10. It followed the practice of the British Parliament and precedent allowed a simple majority to cut off debate by a motion for "the previous question." This rule was included in sections 8 and 9 of the rules adopted by the first Senate in 1789, was included in Jefferson's Manual of Parliamentary Practice, and was part of the Senate's rules until it was removed in 1806. The change in 1806 allowed unlimited debate.

The fundamental issue to those who defend the right to filibuster has been the protection of minority rights. The desire to weaken presidential influence over the upper chamber, not free speech, was instrumental in the decisions of 1826 and 1828 that gave the Senate the ultimate authority to discipline its members. The defeat of the 1856 amendment requiring a Senator to confine himself to the question under debate marked the beginning of over a century of unrestricted debate. The defense of lengthy debate by John C. Calhoun was a matter of senatorial courtesy, but for his successors it became an inalienable, abstract right.[7]

Before 1917 there was no provision for cloture, or shutting off debate. In response to the successful filibuster of a bill to arm American merchant ships, the Senate adopted the two-thirds rule for cloture putting a halt to debate on an issue.

Originally, two-thirds of the senators actually present would be required for cloture. This meant that all senators had to remain present in the chambers, in case a cloture vote was called. This led to situations where senators would stay all night in the chambers, sleeping on cots placed in the lobby. This type of filibuster was dramatically depicted in the Frank Capra film, "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington" (1939), starring Jimmy Stewart as the brave lone hero who filibusters an evil bill.

In 1975 Rule 22 was adopted that reduced the number for cloture to 60 (while leaving the two-thirds rule when the Senate rules themselves are at issue.) The effect is that almost all major legislation needs 60 votes to pass the Senate. One exception comes in "reconciliation" bills that deal with the budget. Another is the use of fast track" legislation, as with the North American Free Trade Agreement.


In May 2005, Republican leaders proposed what was called the "nuclear option" whereby filibusters would not be allowed on judicial nominations. Democrats threatened to disrupt all proceedings on all issues if that happened. Senator John McCain led a bipartisan "Gang of 14" which established a compromise that preserved the ability of senators to filibuster judicial nominees, but only in "extraordinary circumstances".

The January 2010 election of Massachusetts Senator Scott Brown is expected to change the filibuster-proof Democratic majority in the Senate. However, it is not clear how soon after the election the term of incumbent Democrat Paul Kirk - in Ted Kennedy's old seat - will expire. Chances are Democrats will stall, to gain partisan advantage in the upcoming vote over the "Obamacare" bill (see also national health insurance).

DeNardis, Lawrence Joseph. "The New Senate Filibuster: An Analysis of Filibustering and Gridlock in the U.S. Senate, 1977-1986" PhD dissertation, New York U. 1990 50(9): 3042-A. DA9004195 350p. Kearny, Edward N., and Heineman, Robert A. "The Senate Filibuster: a Constitutional Critique." Perspectives on Political Science, 1997 Vol. 26, Issue 1, online at EBSCO Wawro, Gregory J., and Eric Schickler. Filibuster: Obstruction and Lawmaking in the US Senate, (2006) 366pp excerpt and text search ? http://www.texastribune.org/texas-politics/texas-house-of-representatives/texplainer-what-is-chubbing/? Budget Reconciliation bills cannot be filibustered.? [1] US Senate Reference? Thomas W. Ryley, A Little Group of Willful Men: A Study of Congressional-Presidential Authority, (1975) ? Robert J. Bailey, "Theodore G. Bilbo and the Fair Employment Practices Controversy: a Southern Senator's Reactions to a Changing World." Journal of Mississippi History 1980 42(1): 27-42 ? http://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/common/briefing/Filibuster_Cloture.htm? Richard R. Beeman, "Unlimited Debate in the Senate: the First Phase," Political Science Quarterly 1968 83(3): 419-434

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Tuesday, May 21, 2013

Sen. McConnell touts support of Rand Paul filibuster in campaign email

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) touted his support for Sen. Rand Paul's (R-Ky.) filibuster last week of John Brennan's nomination for CIA director in a new campaign email on Monday.

"Thirteen hours on the Senate floor with no breaks. Thirteen hours of pushing back against an out of control Obama Administration who often refuses to work with or even acknowledge Congress," McConnell, who is up for reelection in 2014, said in the email, sent out to supporters. "Thirteen hours of capturing a nation's attention to both an important issue and an important new voice for our party."

On Wednesday Paul filibustered Brennan's nomination in order to pressure the Obama administration to answer questions about its drone policy. The filibuster lasted more than 12 hours and a number of Republican senators joined Paul. McConnell eventually came to the floor to praise Paul's effort to push the Obama administration to answer his questions.

"Rand stood in their way last week and I was thrilled to join him. But I stand in their way all too often for their tastes. So in addition to standing with Rand, I hope you'll help Team Mitch today," McConnell continues in the fundraising email.

President Obama and his congressional allies are "out" for Paul, McConnell added.

"You and I know that I am their number one target this year. They want me to pay for standing up to them. They want to control the agenda and the power in Congress," McConnell said.

McConnell said Obama has put a "target" on his back and is likely to start planning to push Paul out of the Senate as well.

"President Obama has put a huge target on my back and will no doubt soon start eyeing Rand as well," McConnell concludes in the email.

Among Democrats, actress Ashley Judd has signaled strong interest in challenging McConnell. Tea Partyer Matt Bevin is also considering a challenge to McConnell.

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Saturday, May 18, 2013

Statement by the President on Republican Filibuster of Caitlin Halligan

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For Immediate Release March 06, 2013 Statement by the President on Republican Filibuster of Caitlin Halligan

I am deeply disappointed that despite support from a majority of the United States Senate, a minority of Senators continues to block the nomination of Caitlin Halligan to serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.  Nearly two and a half years after being nominated, Ms. Halligan continues to wait for a simple up-or-down vote.   In the past, filibusters of judicial nominations required “extraordinary circumstances,” and a Republican Senator who was part of this agreement articulated that only an ethics or qualification issue – not ideology – would qualify.  Ms. Halligan has always practiced law with the highest ethical ideals, and her qualifications are beyond question.  Furthermore, her career in public service and as a law enforcement lawyer, serving the citizens of New York, is well within the mainstream.

Today’s vote continues the Republican pattern of obstruction.  My judicial nominees wait more than three times as long on the Senate floor to receive a vote than my predecessor’s nominees.  The effects of this obstruction take the heaviest toll on the D.C. Circuit, considered the Nation’s second-highest court, which now has only seven active judges and four vacancies.  Until last month, for more than forty years, the court has always had at least eight active judges and as many as twelve.  A majority of the Senate agrees that Ms. Halligan is exactly the kind of person who should serve on this court, and I urge Senate Republicans to allow the Senate to express its will and to confirm Ms. Halligan without further delay.

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Saturday, December 29, 2012

Opponents Of Filibuster Reform Offer Nothingburger Proposal

For weeks, Democratic senators have been crafting a filibuster reform package that, if it resembles the reforms embraced by Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV), will include reforms that prevent the minority from imposing hours of needless delay every time a new nominee is confirmed, and which will also include the so-called “talking filibuster” that requires supporters of a filibuster to speak on the floor in order to maintain it.

Opponents of reform have now offered a counterproposal — and, according to Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-TN), it essentially amounts to doing nothing:

Alexander, emerging from a bipartisan meeting of reform opponents held this morning in Kyl’s office, said that the proposal would limit the use of the filibuster in some cases, such as on a motion to proceed to debate, and also include provisions allowing for amendments for the minority.

“We have so many new members of the Senate, about half of the senators have never seen the Senate work properly because they’ve only been here five or six years,” Alexander said. “So we’re trying to get back to the days when the motion to proceed wasn’t used to block so many bills and when the majority leader allowed senators to offer almost any amendment. Most of that has to be established by practice, by good behavior, rather than by changing the rules.”

By limiting filibusters on motions to proceed, this proposal will restrict the minority from effectively filibustering the same bill twice, but it does nothing to prevent the minority from filibustering any bill they can filibuster now. It also does nothing to prevent widespread obstruction of judicial and other nominees. And it does nothing to discourage senators from filibustering routine bills or uncontroversial nominees simply to delay or to gain leverage. If this counterproposal passes in lieu of the more meaningful proposals endorsed by Sen. Reid and others, it will mean that Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) will remain the king of the Senate, and senators in the majority will still need to beg his permission in order to accomplish anything.

And any senator who votes in favor of this counterproposal and against the more substantial proposals on the table is voting to give McConnell that power.


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Thursday, May 17, 2012

Washington Post Promoting Misleading Filibuster Arguments

Today Ezra Klein at the Washington Post put out a piece promoting Common Cause’s lawsuit to have the Senate filibuster declared unconstitutional.  Klein repeats myth after myth about the filibuster.  This piece should commence an interesting national debate finally putting the argument to bed that the filibuster is somehow unconstitutional.  Abolition of the filibuster will lead to a Senate with less time for debate and limited transparency for the American people.

It is interesting to note that these short sighted leftists may be laying the table for an easy repeal of ObamaCare, Dodd-Frank and extending the Bush tax cuts.  Clearly, Republicans control of the Senate is within reach (see RCP analysis of Senate polls).  There is also a 50-50 chance that Republicans win the presidency.  Liberals are trying to get rid of the one tool they would have to stop Republicans from dismantling the Obama legacy of higher taxes and more regulation.

I have to imagine that some Republicans will want to take liberals up on the offer of ridding the Senate of the filibuster in January of 2013. 

First of all, many of the voices on the left are hypocrites.  Many of the same groups calling for filibuster reform, were defending the filibuster in 2005.  When it served the purpose of obstructing President Bush’s agenda in 2005, they were 100% for the filibuster (see here).

It is ironic that Common Cause is fighting for filibuster reform.  In 2005 they were singing a different tune.

Jonathan H. Adler at The Volokh Conspiracy writes in a post titled, Common Cause’s Filibuster Flip:

In 2005, Common Cause vigorously defended the filibuster when some Republicans proposed invoking the “nuclear option” to end the filibuster of judicial nominees.  From a 2005 press release: Common Cause strongly opposes any effort by Senate leaders to outlaw filibusters of judicial nominees to silence a vigorous debate about the qualifications of these nominees, short-circuiting the Senate’s historic role in the nomination approval process. “The filibuster shouldn’t be jettisoned simply because it’s inconvenient to the majority party’s goals,” said Common Cause President Chellie Pingree. “That’s abuse of power.” (Hat tip: Don Surber)

Now it seems that Common Cause supports the “abuse of power.”   I did a Google search to find the text of a Common Cause press release titled “Filibuster shouldn’t be tossed aside to convenience Senate majority” and it has been taken off the web site.

Also, it is a convenient myth for Klein and opponents of the filibuster to argue that “the filibuster was a mistake.” History does not prove this assertion to be true.

John Quincy Adams wrote in his memoir that the early Senate rejected a rules change that would have limited debate, because in 1806 Vice President Aaron Burr argued that a rules change was not necessary to end debate on a question.  According to the late Senator Robert C. Byrd’s in The Senate, 1789–1989, “Henry Clay, in 1841, proposed the introduction of the ‘previous question’ but abandoned the idea in the face of opposition.”  Byrd also noted that “when Senator Stephen Douglas proposed permitting the use of the ‘previous question’ in 1850, the idea encountered substantial opposition and was dropped.” According to Byrd, “An effort to reinstitute the ‘previous question,’ on March 19, 1873, failed by a vote of 25–30.” Byrd cited the following: “Between 1884 and 1890, fifteen different resolutions were offered to amend the rules regarding limitations of debate, all of which failed of adoption.” This is evidence that the filibuster was not an accident of history, yet it was an accepted practice that was validated by Senate votes.

James Madison wrote in Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 that one of the purposes of the Senate was to protect the people against the temporary feelings Members of Congress may posses.

In order to judge of the form to be given to [the Senate], it will be proper to take a view of the ends to be served by it. These were first to protect the people against their rulers: secondly to protect the people against the transient impressions into which they themselves might be led.

Finally, the Constitution specifically delegates rule making authority to the House and Senate in Article I, Section 5, “each house may determine the rule of its proceedings.”  The filibuster is constitutional and the federal courts have no jurisdiction to litigate this political question.

To argue that supermajority votes are unconstitutional, is to ignore the many supermajority rules  as part of the statutory budget process, explicit rules of the Senate and tradition.  Today, the Senate will hold a series of votes on legislation to extend the life of the Export-Import Bank, and amendments to the legislation, with a 60 supermajority required to pass as agreed to by both parties.  This practice is commonplace in today’s Senate.

The Senate and House frequently have votes on matters that are subject to supermajority votes.  In the House, a suspension of the rule vote is a supermajority vote.  In the Senate there are 60 vote points of order, suspension of the rules and a supermajority to shut off debate are a weekly occurrence.

The big question is whether this full court press by the left is merely setting up a liberal talking point that Republicans are obstructionists or if this is a serious effort to set the table for changing the filibuster rule.


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