Remarks by Tom Donilon, National Security Advisor to the President At the Launch of Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Introduction

Thank you, Jason.  During your time at the White House, the President and our team counted on your deep knowledge of energy, climate and national security.   Thank you also to Columbia University.  You chose well in Jason and there could scarcely be a more timely moment for a Center like this one.   Finally, a special thanks to Dan Yergin, who has made an unparalleled contribution to how we understand and talk about energy.  Dan, I look forward to our discussion today.  But, I want to tell you that I think I should be interviewing you.  Congratulations also on hiring David Sandalow, who has been an important part of our team at the Department of Energy for the past four years, as your inaugural fellow. 

It is a bit unusual for a National Security Advisor to address an energy conference like this one.   So let me begin with a straightforward proposition:  energy matters profoundly to U.S. national security and foreign policy.   It matters because the availability of reliable, affordable energy is essential to our economic strength at home, which is the foundation for our leadership in the world.  It matters because scarce resources have driven both commerce and conflict since time immemorial—and still do today.   It matters because energy supplies present strategic leverage and disposable income for countries that have them.  It matters because the challenge of accessing affordable energy is one shared by people and businesses in every country in the world—in young democracies, emerging powers and developing economies; in allies and adversaries alike.  It matters because disruptions in supply anywhere can have economic impacts that are global. 

Energy shapes national interests and relations between nations.  It shapes politics, development and governance within nations.   And it shapes the security and stability of the climate and environment.   For all these reasons and many others, increasing global access to secure, affordable and ever cleaner supplies of energy is a global public good and a national interest of the United States.

Finally, at this moment in history, energy matters to those of us entrusted with U.S. national security because the United States is reaching an inflection point in the story that Dan Yergin has so expertly told.  We are in the midst of two changes that have presented themselves with great speed:  first, the substantial increase in the supply of available, affordable energy inside the United States – which is having important impacts on U.S. economic growth, energy security and geopolitics.  Second, a transformation in the global climate, driven by the world’s use of energy, that is presenting not just a transcendent challenge for the world but a present-day national security threat to the United States.  Both push us toward the same longer-term endpoint: the comprehensive transformation of the world’s energy economy toward cleaner, more sustainable energy solutions.
Today, I want to talk first about the changes underway and why they matter for U.S. national security.  Then, I want to explain how we intend to work, domestically and internationally, to seize the opportunities this moment presents and meet its challenges head on.

What We Are Seeing:  A Transformational Moment

Let me begin with a brief discussion of the changing context.   The current optimism about the U.S. and global energy picture is a relatively new development.  

In the 1940s, 50s and 60s, America was largely self-sufficient in oil production.  But in 1970, U.S. oil production peaked at over eleven million barrels per day, unable to keep up with growing U.S. demand.  In his Pulitzer-winning book, The Prize, Dan Yergin tells the story of the day in 1972 when the Texas Railroad Commission ended its decades-long practice of rationing oil supplies.  There was no more surplus oil left to ration.  The United States needed to consume it all.  This was a negative turning point whose implications for U.S. power in the world became painfully clear during the Arab oil embargo the following year.  Suddenly, the United States thought of itself as an energy poor nation, dependent on oil and subject to events beyond our shores.  That mindset held for nearly forty years. 

When President Obama took office, the energy picture looked decidedly different than it does today.  Indeed, forecasters said that the U.S. would need to double its imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) over the next five years.  There was renewed talk of “peak oil.”  Nearly every prediction about our energy future made five years ago has been turned on its head.  U.S. innovation and technology are allowing us to tap unconventional energy resources.  Total U.S. oil consumption peaked in 2005 and has been declining since—a trend the President’s energy efficiency initiatives, including new fuel efficiency standards and investment in new energy sources, will only deepen.   

To understand just how significantly and quickly the landscape has shifted, consider a few statistics: 

Domestic oil and natural gas production has increased every year President Obama has been in office. We now produce seven million barrels of oil per day, the highest level in over two decades. The International Energy Agency has projected that the United States could be the world’s largest oil producer by the end of the decade. Of course, we recognize that these are early days and prediction is a risky business.In 2005, sixty percent of U.S. oil was imported.  Today the number is forty percent and falling—a dramatic move towards fulfilling the President’s goal of cutting our oil imports in half by 2020. Today the United States is the top natural gas producer in the world. Our natural gas production has grown by one-third since 2005, driven by the increase in shale gas, which now accounts for forty percent of our natural gas output.  The domestic price of natural gas has dropped from over $13 per million Btu in 2008 to around $4 today.   Natural gas imports are down almost sixty percent since 2005, and we are exporting more natural gas by pipeline to Mexico and Canada. U.S. energy-related greenhouse gas emissions have fallen to 1994 levels due in large part to our success over the past four years in doubling electricity from renewables, switching from coal to natural gas in power generation, and improving energy efficiency.

New opportunities are also emerging globally.  The Western Hemisphere is poised to be a major energy supplier in the decades ahead.  The Americas have been responsible for half of the growth in incremental oil supply over the past five years, and BP predicts that the Americas will account for almost two-thirds of the growth in global oil supply between now and 2035.  That also means more supplies from relatively more stable nations with greater commitment to the rule of law and open markets.   When the President travels in early May to Mexico and Central America, energy will be among the issues discussed.  

The nature of global energy demand is also shifting to reflect the changes in global economic growth.  Demand across Asia, the Middle East and Latin America is surging.  This year may well mark the first time in history that oil demand from developing economies surpasses that of developed nations. Last December, Chinese net oil imports exceeded those of the United States for the first time.  China alone has accounted for half the growth in global oil demand since 2000 and became the world’s largest energy consumer by 2009.  Coal met about forty percent of developing economies’ energy demand, but over seventy percent of China’s energy needs in 2011.

We are just beginning to understand and appreciate the geostrategic impacts of these changes to the U.S. and global energy landscape, but let me set out a few that I see:

First, the new U.S. energy posture and outlook will directly strengthen the nation’s economy.  There are not a lot of iron laws of history.  But one is that, as the President has said, a country’s political and military primacy depends on its economic vitality. Our strength at home is critical to our strength in the world, and our energy boom has proven to be an important driver for our economic recovery—boosting jobs, economic activity, and government revenues.  Take the example of North Dakota, where unemployment has dropped to near 3 percent, the lowest in the country, and the state has a $3.8 billion budget surplus, largely due to increased unconventional gas and oil production in the state.   IHS CERA estimates that shale gas supported direct and indirect employment for 600,000 Americans in 2010, a number that could double by 2020. 

America’s natural gas boom is helping to spark a domestic manufacturing revival.  Manufacturers in energy-intensive sectors have announced up to $95 billion investments across the U.S. to take advantage of low-cost natural gas.   The largest investments announced have been in the chemicals sector which uses natural gas as a feedstock, but there have also been major announcements in other industries like steel, plastics, and glass.  For the first time in over sixty years, the United States is exporting more refined petroleum than it is importing.   The reduction in energy imports has a positive impact on our trade balance, helps lower domestic and global energy prices, and allows a greater share of the money Americans spend on energy to remain within the U.S. economy. 

Furthermore, as a result of the Administration’s historic investments in clean energy, tens of thousands of Americans have jobs and America is now home to some of the largest wind and solar farms in the world.

Domestic economic developments like these improve U.S. standing and send a powerful message that the United States has the resources, as well as the resolve, to remain the world’s preeminent power for years to come. 

Second, America’s new energy posture allows us to engage from a position of greater strength.  Increasing U.S. energy supplies act as a cushion that helps reduce our vulnerability to global supply disruptions and price shocks. It also affords us a stronger hand in pursuing and implementing our international security goals.

For example, the United States is engaged in a dual-track strategy that marshals pressure on Iran in pursuit of constructive engagement to address the world’s concerns about Iran’s nuclear program.  As part of the pressure track, the United States engaged in tireless diplomacy to persuade consuming nations to end or significantly reduce their consumption of Iranian oil while emphasizing to suppliers the importance of keeping the world oil market stable and well supplied.   The substantial increase in oil production in the United States and elsewhere meant that international sanctions and U.S. and allied efforts could remove over 1 million barrels per day of Iranian oil while minimizing the burdens on the rest of the world.   And the same dynamic was at work in Libya in 2011 and in Syria today.

Third, the development of a more global natural gas market benefits the U.S. and our allies.  We have a strong interest in a world natural gas market that is well supplied, diverse, and efficiently priced.  Increased U.S. and global natural gas production can enhance diversity of supply, help delink gas prices from expensive oil indexed contracts, weaken control by traditional dominant natural gas suppliers, and encourage fuel switching from oil and coal to natural gas. 

A decade ago, market analysts forecast that the U.S. would need to import large volumes of natural gas by pipeline and LNG. Since then, domestic production has reached historic highs and domestic natural gas reserves have almost doubled. Gas supplies originally destined for the United States are being redirected to other countries.   

Many of our allies have expressed interest in the potential of the United States as a global natural gas supplier. The Department of Energy is currently reviewing at least seventeen applications to export U.S. LNG to non-Free Trade Agreement countries. It will conduct a comprehensive review of all relevant factors to determine whether each non-FTA LNG export project is deemed to be consistent with the public interest.

Global demand for natural gas is projected to rise by one-fifth over the coming decade. Burning natural gas is about one-half as carbon-intensive as coal—which makes it a critical “bridge fuel” as the world transitions to even cleaner sources of energy.

Fourth, reduced energy imports do not mean the United States can or should disengage from the Middle East or the world.   Global energy markets are part of a deeply interdependent world economy.  The United States continues to have an enduring interest in stable supplies of energy and the free flow of commerce everywhere.   

We have a set of enduring national security interests in the Middle East, including our unshakeable commitment to Israel’s security; our global nonproliferation objectives, including our commitment to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon; our ongoing national interest in fighting terrorism that threatens our personnel, interests and our homeland; our strong national interest in pursuit of Middle East peace; our historic stabilizing role in protecting regional allies and  partners and deterring aggression; and our interest in ensuring the democratic transitions in Yemen, North Africa and ultimately in Syria succeed. 

Which brings me to my fifth point: though it is typically discussed in terms of its energy, environmental or economic implications, the changes to our climate that we are seeing are also a national security challenge.  

The national security impacts of climate change stem from the increasingly severe environmental impacts it is having on countries and people around the world. Last year, the lower 48 U.S. states endured the warmest year on record.   At one point, two-thirds of the contiguous United States was in a state of drought, and almost 10 million acres of the West were charred from wildfires. And while no single weather event can be directly attributed to climate change, we know that climate change is fueling more frequent extreme weather events. Last year alone, we endured 11 weather-related disasters that inflicted a $1 billion or more in damages – including Hurricane Sandy. 

Internationally, we have seen the same: the first twelve years of this century are all among the fourteen warmest years on record.  Last year, Brazil experienced its worst drought in five decades; floods in Pakistan affected over five million people and damaged or destroyed over 460,000 homes; severe flooding across western Africa and the Sahel impacted three million people across fifteen countries--to give just a few examples among many. 

The fact that the environmental impacts of climate change present a national security challenge has been clear to this Administration from the outset. The President’s National Security Strategy recognizes in no uncertain terms that “the danger from climate change is real, urgent, and severe.  The change wrought by a warming planet will lead to new conflicts over refugees and resources; new suffering from drought and famine; catastrophic natural disasters; and the degradation of land across the globe.”

The Department of Defense’s 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review, issued by Secretary Robert Gates, warned not only that climate change “may act as an accelerant of instability or conflict, placing a burden to respond on civilian institutions and militaries around the world” but also of the potential impacts of climate change on our operating environment, and on our military installations at home and around the world. A National Intelligence Assessment in 2008, multiple Worldwide Threat Assessments produced by the Director of National Intelligence, and numerous expert analyses have reached similar conclusions.  This underscores the need – for the sake of our national security -- to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions that drive climate change and to ensure that we are as prepared as possible for the impacts of climate change.

U.S. Policy

These are a few of the changes we are seeing and what they mean for U.S. national security.  Let me now turn to what we are doing about it. 

First and foremost, the United States is leading at home, which is where our energy and climate policy begins.  The United States is pursuing an “all of the above approach” to develop new sources of energy, expand oil and gas production, boost renewable power generation, support growth in nuclear power and increase energy efficiency, while also working to reduce reliance on imported oil. 

I do not believe that the dramatic and fast-paced energy changes we have seen in the United States in recent years were as likely to have begun elsewhere first.  It is not just that the U.S. has a substantial unconventional resource base.  Many other countries have promising shale deposits.  The reason that development has succeeded in the U.S. is because we have the right balance of an open investment climate, innovative entrepreneurial spirit, environmental safeguards, infrastructure and skilled service companies.  The U.S. shale experience demonstrates the powerful results that a complex resource base, combined with open markets, wise early government investments in key technologies, a vibrant private sector, access to capital, a predictable investment climate, and responsible regulatory structure can deliver.

Under President Obama, the United States has also made unprecedented investments in clean energy, research and development, and renewable fuels.  The President put in place historic new fuel standards for cars and light-duty trucks that will nearly double the efficiency of our fleet; doubled the amount of power produced by wind, solar, and geothermal; and boosted the efficiency of buildings and our industrial sector.   He has also called for the creation of an Energy Security Trust that will support new research and development of cost-effective advanced transportation technologies, and he is leading domestic and international efforts to support the safe use of nuclear power.
It is important to note that America has achieved a significant reduction in our greenhouse gas emissions.  Last year energy-related U.S. emissions fell to their lowest levels since 1994—a remarkable twelve percent below where we stood in 2005.  Even as our economy recovers, we are determined to keep moving toward our target for 2020: to bring greenhouse gas emissions approximately seventeen percent below 2005 levels.

In that spirit, the President will not hesitate to use existing tools and authorities to further reduce greenhouse gas emissions, increase the preparedness and resiliency of our communities to climate change, and accelerate clean energy deployment. 

Second, we are working to manage potential causes of energy-related conflict.

For example, the promise of offshore energy resources is contributing to tensions in the South and East China Seas that will test East Asia’s political and security architecture.  While the United States has no territorial claims there, and does not take a position on the claims of others, the United States firmly opposes coercion or the use of force to advance territorial claims.  We have consistently made clear our position that only peaceful, collaborative and diplomatic efforts, consistent with international law, can bring about lasting solutions that will serve the interests of all claimants and all countries in this vital region. 

The Arctic is another place where the potential for new supplies of energy and new shipping routes could lead to rising tensions.  So far, that has not been the case and the United States looks forward to meeting with our partners in the eight-country Arctic Council next month, which we value as a forum for open and collaborative dialogue among littoral states on a range of Arctic issues.  The United States will promote productive dialogue to address international disputes in the region as they arise on issues from transportation to resource claims.  As ice caps melt, shipping routes open and energy supplies are made more accessible, the United States will work to ensure open access and transit, rules-based resolution of territorial disputes and adherence to the highest environmental standards.

To put ourselves on the strongest possible footing to prevent energy-related conflict, the United States must take the long overdue step of ratifying the Law of the Sea Treaty.  Every businessperson I speak with, every military leader, the Joint Chiefs of Staff and many, many others all come to the same conclusion:  ratifying the treaty will only strengthen America’s hand economically, diplomatically, and in terms of our security. 

Another example is Iraq.  After the U.S. has invested significant blood and treasure, we have a strong interest in seeing a peaceful and prosperous country emerge.  Key to that will be the successful development of Iraq’s energy resources.  This is a good example of where energy diplomacy matters.  Iraq’s energy sector has the potential to deepen internal and regional divisions, but it can also help unify the country.  And so we are working to help Iraq expand its oil production, build out its export infrastructure, and diversify its energy transportation routes.

Over the past two years, Iraq’s crude oil production has grown 25 percent to three million barrels per day, surpassing Iranian output and reaching levels not seen in over two decades.  We envision Iraq fulfilling its tremendous oil supply potential, with multiple existing and potential export routes, including from Basra to Ceyhan.  Getting there will require active diplomatic engagement and an agreement among Iraqis to share export revenues equitably, as set forth in their constitution, so that all Iraqi citizens benefit from their natural resources.  It is a long-term vision, but one that is essential for Iraqi stability, our own national security, and the future stability of global energy markets. And the United States will support this vision as a central priority in our partnership with Iraq.

Third, we are building on the unique diplomatic, regulatory and technical capacity of the United States to help other nations increase energy supply, build capacity and strengthen the institutions that enable international cooperation.  We are working to help develop supplies across the Western Hemisphere, where the use of conventional and new technologies in the United States, Canada and Brazil and Colombia is making an essential contribution to growing global energy supplies. 

Through bilateral and multilateral initiatives, technical and regulatory exchanges and trade and investment, the United States is helping countries accelerate this trend responsibly.  Last year, for example, the United States signed an important Transboundary Hydrocarbons Agreement with Mexico to develop our shared oil and gas resources in the Gulf of Mexico in an environmentally safe and responsible way.   

We have actively engaged countries such as Poland, Ukraine, Jordan, China, Colombia, Chile and Mexico to exchange lessons on developing unconventional energy resources.  We are sharing best practices on issues such as water management, air quality, permitting, contracting, and pricing—because countries and companies have seen from the U.S. experience that creating the right policy and investment environment is critical to successful development.  We are also working with countries in Africa, such as Mozambique and Tanzania, to help them establish responsible, sustainable ways to develop and manage their newfound energy resources.  

The United States does not view our energy security in zero-sum terms, and we are working with our partners around the world to ensure that they do not either.  For example, China will be increasingly reliant on imported oil and natural gas through this decade and beyond.   That means secure, affordable and cleaner supplies of energy is a goal we share with Beijing—and one we are working to fulfill through regulatory, technical, and industry exchanges led by the Departments of Commerce, Energy, and State.

As emerging economies consume an ever greater share of global energy, the International Energy Agency and other institutions will have to modernize to reflect evolving energy market realities. As major consumers, China, India and Brazil have a common interest in healthy and more transparent markets that function efficiently and effectively. It is critical that these countries are brought closer to the IEA and participate in coordinated responses to energy supply disruptions and reporting on energy markets.

But we should think about the modernization of the IEA more broadly.  When the IEA was established in the 1970s, oil was not a globally traded commodity. There was no financial market in oil.  Gasoline prices were heavily regulated.  Disruptions in supplies tended to show up as physical disruptions with long lines at gas stations. The global energy market has changed dramatically since then:  oil is now traded globally. There is a financial market that dwarfs the size of the physical market.  Gasoline prices are deregulated.  And disruptions in supply are more likely to show as price spikes than physical shortages.  The policies and practices of an IEA for the 21st century should reflect these changes as well.

Fourth and finally, we are working with other nations to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions, prepare for the climate impacts it is too late to avoid, and bring about a global conversion to cleaner sources of energy. 

When it comes to climate change, action at home is necessary but insufficient.  We have to galvanize action from others.  Here, too, there is progress to report.  In Copenhagen in 2009, President Obama and other world leaders negotiated a climate agreement that for the first time included international emission reduction commitments from each of the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitters.  Under the agreement reached at Durban in 2011, we are working to negotiate a robust new international climate agreement by the end of 2015 that would take effect in 2020 and commit all of the major carbon polluting countries to take ambitious action. 

Alongside global talks, the Administration has looked for creative ways to convene key stakeholders to take concrete actions together.   Through the Major Economies Forum, we launched a new Clean Energy Ministerial where a group of nations representing more than three-quarters of global GHG emissions collaborate on deploying clean energy technologies and enhancing energy efficiency.  By the same token, the United States led in assembling the Climate and Clean Air Coalition of nations working to achieve targeted reductions in short-lived climate pollutants that account for over thirty percent of current global warming.   And we have worked to address climate change by leading global efforts to encourage countries to phase out harmful fossil fuel subsidies.

As we look forward, we are fortunate to welcome into the Obama Administration one of the most experienced and impassioned climate diplomats America has ever had: John Kerry, who already has launched a new process to ensure that climate change will be a central part of our Strategic and Economic Dialogue with China later this year.

Even as we work through all available channels to mitigate climate change, we are also working to prepare for the climate impacts it is already too late to avoid.  The United States is building greater climate resilience at home and helping developing nations withstand the impacts as well.  The U.S. intelligence community continues to study where and how climate-fueled security challenges may emerge.  The Defense Department is funding research projects and factoring climate change into analysis and planning, recognizing the challenge it presents for mission-critical infrastructure and military installations, capabilities, and readiness.

Conclusion

Energy and climate are critical elements of U.S. national security.  These issues have risen to the top of U.S. diplomatic agendas around the world: with Europeans considering their energy future; with China and other emerging powers addressing their growing needs; and with major energy consumers and producers, old and new.  How the United States manages these changes to our energy economy and to our climate will be an important measure of U.S. leadership for many years to come. 

There is a vigorous debate underway among international relations experts and commentators about so called “declinism” – the notion that America is a power on the wane. It is a proposition that I reject in the strongest terms.  In his most recent book, Strategic Vision, one of my predecessors, Zbig Brzezinski, presents what he calls “America’s Balance Sheet,” where he tallies America’s strategic assets and liabilities.  Many of our assets are well known:  economic and military strength, an unrivaled network of alliances spanning two oceans, favorable demographics and geography and unparalleled innovators and educators – all that ensures that the United States remains a global leader into the 21st century. 

When President Obama took office, America’s energy future would have been typically listed among the liabilities – and let’s be clear: an essential transition to cleaner sources of fuel still lies ahead.  But after years of talking about it, we are poised to control our own energy future. Under President Obama’s leadership, we are moving the U.S. energy position from a liability we manage into an asset that secures U.S. strength at home and leadership in the world.

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Statement by NSC Spokesperson Caitlin Hayden on National Security Advisor Tom Donilon’s Meeting with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal

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For Immediate Release April 17, 2013 Statement by NSC Spokesperson Caitlin Hayden on National Security Advisor Tom Donilon’s Meeting with Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal

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Statement by NSC Spokesperson Caitlin Hayden on National Security Advisor Donilon’s Meetings in Russia

Statement by NSC Spokesperson Caitlin Hayden on National Security Advisor Donilon’s Meetings in Russia | The White House Skip to main content | Skip to footer site map The White House. President Barack Obama Get Email UpdatesContact Us Go to homepage. The White House Blog Photos & Videos Photo Galleries Video Performances Live Streams Podcasts 2012: A Year in Photos

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Press Briefing by Deputy National Security Advisor for Strategic Communications Ben Rhodes and U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro

The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

Via Conference Call

4:08 P.M. EDT

MR. RHODES:  Thanks, everybody, for joining this call to preview the President's trip to Israel, the West Bank and Jordan. I'm joined on the call today by our U.S. Ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, who is known to you all, as well.  I'll make some opening comments and go through the President's schedule.  Then Dan may add a few comments and then we'll take your questions. 

First of all, let me just say that this is a very important trip for the President.  It's his first trip to Israel since becoming President, and the first foreign trip of his second term in office.  We felt like this was an important opportunity for the President to go to the region.  In Israel, we felt that with a new Israeli government coming into place and a new U.S. term here, this is an important opportunity for the President to consult with the Israeli government on the broad range of issues where we cooperate.

We obviously cooperate very closely with Israel on security, intelligence and economic issues.  And there will be a broad agenda for our governments to address while the President is in Israel, including our efforts to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, the ongoing situation in Syria, the developments in the wider region that pose both opportunities and security challenges, and efforts to advance Israeli-Palestinian peace among the agenda.

More important than that, in some respects, this is an opportunity for the President to speak directly to the Israeli people.  The President has a very strong record of support for Israel and its security, but we also understand that there is no substitute for the President of the United States going to Israel and delivering that message directly to the Israeli people.  And so, he is particularly looking forward to the opportunity to spend some time with the people of Israel and to tell them directly about what guides his approach to this relationship.

Beyond that, it's a very important time for him to also reinforce U.S. support for the Palestinian Authority -- and I'll get to that in the schedule, but of course, the United States has made a significant investment in the Palestinian Authority as the legitimate leadership of the Palestinian people.  And we're very supportive of efforts, for instance, on the West Bank to develop Palestinian institutions and broaden opportunity for the Palestinian people, even as we continue to work for advancements in the peace process.

And then, of course, King Abdullah is a very close ally and partner of the United States and Jordan.  We cooperate with Jordan on a broad range of security issues.  That includes, of course, the peace process.  It also includes addressing the very grave humanitarian crisis in Syria, including the significant refugee population within Jordan.  And the U.S. is providing substantial assistance to Jordan and other international partners to help allay that refugee crisis. 

We're also very supportive of the political reform efforts within Jordan.  Recently, of course, there were parliamentary elections.  We'd like to see continued momentum on the political reform agenda that the King has supported, so we will have an opportunity to address those issues.

Let me just go through the schedule now. 

The President will arrive in Israel on Wednesday of next week.  He will begin his program with an arrival ceremony at the airport with both President Peres and Prime Minister Netanyahu.  Following that arrival ceremony, where each of the leaders will speak, the President will view an Iron Dome battery.  The U.S. investments in support for the Iron Dome System has been one of the clearest manifestations of our support for Israel and its security.  We’re very proud that the Iron Dome System has saved numerous Israeli lives in helping to deal with the threat from rocket fire.  The President's visit to the Iron Dome battery, again, is a signal of that continued support for Israel and its security, and the close relationship and partnership that we have on the security issues. 

Following that, the President will have meetings throughout the afternoon with both President Peres and Prime Minister Netanyahu.  First, he will meet with President Peres at his residence.  The two Presidents will have a chance to spend some time together and make statements as well.  Following that, the President will go to Prime Minister Netanyahu’s residence, where he’ll have a chance to have a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu, followed by a press conference, and then followed by a working dinner. 

The President and Prime Minister Netanyahu, as you’ve heard us say, have spent more time together one-on-one than, frankly, any other leader that the President has spent some time with since he came into office.  They’ll have an opportunity to have a very wide-ranging discussion on the various issues -- security, political, and economic -- that I referenced earlier.  And that will conclude the President’s first day there.

The next day, Thursday, the President will begin by going to the Israel Museum.  At the Israel Museum, he will view the Dead Sea Scrolls, which are a testament, of course, to the ancient Jewish connection to Israel and, frankly, a marvel that the Israelis have restored within the Israel Museum in a very substantial, impressive way.  So the President very much looks forward to the opportunity to see the Dead Sea Scrolls.

Following that, he’ll be visiting a technology exposition, also at the museum, in which he’ll be able to see some of the remarkable signs and technological progress that’s been made within Israel, some of the remarkable innovation that is helping to fuel the Israeli economy and, frankly, the global economy.  And it’s also the foundation of significant U.S. and Israeli economic cooperation.  And I think, again, seeing the ancient connection through the Dead Sea Scrolls and then the future that is being forged in Israel through the technology exposition I think will be a very powerful experience.

Following that, the President will travel to Ramallah.  In Ramallah, he will have a bilateral meeting with President Abbas of the Palestinian Authority.  And then the two leaders will have a press conference and then they’ll have a working lunch together.  Again, the United States has supported the significant institution-building that the Palestinian Authority has undertaken in the West Bank.  It’s a chance to discuss our continued support for the PA, as well as to discuss ways to advance Israeli-Palestinian peace going forward.

Following the working lunch, the President will join Prime Minister Fayyad at the Al-Bireh Youth Center, also in Ramallah.  Again, this is an opportunity for the President to see firsthand some of the work that’s being done to develop institutions on the West Bank, and also to meet with a range of Palestinian young people and hear directly from them as well.  So that will complete that portion of his time in Ramallah.

Then he will go to the Jerusalem International Convention Center later that afternoon, where he will deliver a speech to the Israeli people.  The speech -- frankly, the President very much wanted to have the opportunity to speak not just to Israelis, but to Israeli young people, so we've worked to help build a crowd that will bring in a significant number of Israeli university students from the many universities that our embassy partners with within Israel. 

The President's speech I think will focus on the nature of the ties between the United States and Israel, the broad agenda that we work on together on security, on peace, on economic prosperity.  And I think he'll have a chance to speak to the future of that relationship, so discussing not just the nature of the challenges that we face today, but where the United States and Israel are working to move together as we head into the future of the 21st century.

Following that speech, later that night, the President will be hosted at a dinner by President Peres.  And President Obama was honored to present President Peres with the Medal of Freedom, the highest U.S. civilian honor, last year at the White House.  Now he is very much looking forward to having a dinner with President Peres and a broad range of prominent Israeli leaders at the state dinner at the President's residence.  And then, that will conclude the program on Thursday.

On Friday, the President will begin his day by going to Mt. Herzl, where he will lay a wreath at both the graves of Herzl and Rabin, speaking, of course, to the significant contributions that both of those huge figures in Israeli history and Jewish history -- to their contribution. 

Following those wreath-layings, he will visit Yad Vashem and tour Yad Vashem, and have a chance to lay a wreath and make remarks there, of course, marking the very somber and powerful history of the Holocaust.  The President was able to travel there previously in 2008 as a senator and was very deeply moved by that experience, and it's an important opportunity to once again mark that particular tragic element of our shared history.

Following the visit to Yad Vashem, the President will travel to Bethlehem where he will tour the Church of the Nativity.  Both Bethlehem and the Church of the Nativity are obviously very important sights in the West Bank -- important to the Palestinian people, also important to Christians in the region and around the world.  And so it will be a very powerful experience for the President to be able to have the experience of touring the Church of the Nativity and observing firsthand that history and experience. 

That will conclude the President's time in Israel and the West Bank.

He will then travel to Jordan.  And that afternoon, after he arrives in Jordan, there will be an arrival ceremony.  Then he will have a bilateral meeting with King Abdullah.  The two leaders will have a joint press conference.  Then that night, the President will be hosted at a dinner by King Abdullah.  And he will be spending the night there in Amman. 

Then the next morning, the President will travel to Petra, which is obviously a sight that the Jordanian people are very justly proud of.  And so he'll have an opportunity to see something that is of great value to people all across the region and particularly in Jordan. 

And I anticipate an agenda that will cover regional security issues, the situation in Syria, the very significant refugee challenge within Jordan, the Israeli-Palestinian issue and our ongoing support for political and economic reform in Jordan. 

With that, Dan, I don't know if you want to add any thoughts on the trip to Israel.

AMBASSADOR SHAPIRO:  Thanks, Ben.  Just briefly, just a little bit of a view from Tel Aviv here.  I have to say we in our embassy in Tel Aviv have really been struck by the excitement that the Israelis are feeling about this visit.  Part of it is the historic nature.  Any visit of a President to Israel is historic.  Only four other Presidents have ever visited here, and President Obama is the fifth.  And so there's a sense that a visit of the President of the United States is a big deal. 

And you can see that excitement in the kind of conversations people are having and the kind of way that the issue is discussed in the media and on the street.  And you can see the evidence on the embassy Facebook page, where hundreds, if not thousands, of Israelis are competing for some tickets to hear his speech at the Convention Center.   

I think part of the excitement stems from seeing very much in the same terms that we do; it's a manifestation of the close, enduring and warm ties between our two democracies, countries that share common interests and common values.  And it's a reaffirmation of our commitments to each other, including the United States' strong, really unbreakable commitment to Israel's security.  So I think Israelis feel good about that.  But they also realize that at a time of a lot of uncertainty and change in the region, there’s great importance to our leaders getting together and engaging in some very intensive consultations on the critical issues that are really in their neck of the woods, in their backyard -- Iran, and preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon; obviously the dangerous situation in Syria; the constant importance of trying to make progress toward two states with two people -- with the Palestinian people through direct negotiations.

So I think they also are hopeful that the consultations between our leaders will, early in their new terms, chart the course for making progress on all of those issues in the months and in the years ahead. 

So I think I'll just leave it there. 

MR. RHODES:  Great.  We'll take some questions.

Q    Thank you, Ben.  Two quick questions.  The President has already said going into this that the Arab Spring shows that Israel cannot depend on autocrats holding everything together in the region, so what message does his trip -- what message do you hope his trip will convey to the successors of those rulers in Egypt and the other countries?  And secondly, traditionally, Presidents don’t go on tour like this without hoping for some deliverables, if you will.  What is his hope in that area?

MR. RHODES:  Sure, thanks for the question, Peter.  I'll say a couple of things.  First, on the President's point, since the beginning of the Arab Spring, and in his speech in May of 2011, he has made this point that as governments in the region are more responsive to popular opinion and the aspirations of their people, it's going to change the broader political dynamic in the region. 

It's obviously a good thing that the people of the region are seeking to express themselves politically, and insofar as they can make democratic progress in a range of ways across the region, the United States supports that process of political and economic reform. 

A consequence of that, as the President has said, is that Israel, as it makes peace, is going to have to recognize the broader role of public opinion in peacemaking.  In the past, the peace processes with a variety of countries and partners in the region were between Israel and individual leaders.  And as you move towards more democratic, more representative and responsive governments, Israel needs to take into account the changing dynamic and the need to reach out to public opinion across the region as it seeks to make progress on issues like Israeli-Palestinian peace and broader Arab-Israeli peace.

With respect to Egypt, I think we’ve been very clear with the Egyptian government, the democratically elected government in Egypt, that they need to uphold their responsibilities, including their international agreements, which obviously include the peace treaty with Israel.  And thus far they have done that.  I think there’s an opportunity, frankly, for there to be a deeper source of support for peace broadly across the region if there can be progress. 

So in other words, part of the reason to move forward in the pursuit of peace is to signal to the people of the region a seriousness and a common sense of purpose so that the issue does not just continue to be a divisive one in the region, but rather people can have a sense of hope in Israel and in the Arab world that peace is possible.  So that's the type of dynamic we want to support, one in which people have a sense of possibility rather than a sense that this is going to be a continued source of division.

With respect to your second question, we’ve been very clear that this visit is not about trying to lay down a new initiative or complete our work on a particular issue; that, frankly, there’s value in traveling precisely at a time when there is a new government in Israel and a new government in the United States and just having a broad strategic conversation. 

With a new government, you don't expect, again, to close the deal on any one major initiative.  But you, on the other hand, want to begin a broad conversation about all these issues where we’re cooperating on a day-to-day basis.  And there are obviously going to be significant decisions in the months and years ahead about Iran, about Syria, about Israeli-Palestinian peace.  And so by having this opportunity to speak with Israeli leaders, it can frame those decisions that ultimately will come down the line.  And that's the way in which the President is approaching the trip.

He also, frankly, just thought it was important to be able to speak to the Israeli people as well, given that he has not traveled there yet as President, and having that kind of conversation with the public will ultimately be helpful in deepening the relationship and supporting the many challenges that we face down the line.

It’s also, again, an opportune time to support and reinforce our support for the Palestinian Authority, as well as for King Abdullah, who’s working through a set of security challenges because of Syria and a set of domestic reforms that we’re supportive of.

With that, we’ll take the next question.

Q    Thanks very much for doing this, gentlemen.  A question on Iran -- Prime Minister Netanyahu has said repeatedly he wants a credible military threat against Iran.  He has made clear that all options on the table, which was repeated today to Israeli television, isn’t enough for him.  So to what extent, if any, will the President go further in establishing a kind of red line that Prime Minister Netanyahu is looking for?

MR. RHODES:  Thanks, Matt.  I think the President feels that he has been very clear on this subject.  Our red line is that we will not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon.  The President has made clear -- publicly and privately -- that we reject the policy of containment, because of the consequences of a nuclear-armed Iran for Israel, for the region, for the nonproliferation regime, and for the world.  He has made clear that we will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, and that means we’re looking at all options, including military options.  So the President has been clear on both his red line and on his approach as it relates to preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. 

What’s also the case is we believe it’s preferable to solve the issue peacefully, both because diplomacy can yield a more lasting solution if you can get an assurance that a program -- a nuclear program is for peaceful purposes.  Also because there certainly costs that would be involved with any military action. 
And we believe that there’s a window to resolve this diplomatically.  We have the world united in putting in place the toughest sanctions Iran has ever faced.  We have a P5-plus-1 process where we’re currently in discussions with the Iranians about their nuclear program.  And so we want to use the time and space that we have available and the pressure that we’ve applied on the Iranian government to reach a peaceful, diplomatic solution.

But, again, the Iranian government should know from the President’s public comments already that he’s serious about preventing them from getting a nuclear weapon, that he does not make those assurances -- and very public assurances -- without a commitment to follow through on them.  He’s done what he says he will do in the past on national security issues, and he certainly would in this instance. 

So, again, we have a preference for a peaceful, diplomatic solution, but we have made it very clear that we will do what we must as a country to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.

With that, we’ll take the next question.

Q    Thank you very much for taking the time to do the call, and thank you for your service.  I understand that the President was invited to speak before the Israeli Knesset, but instead you guys chose to have the speech at the Convention Center.  Can you explain the logic of that decision?  I know that Clinton spoke in the Knesset in ’94; George W. Bush in 2008.  Was this a conscious decision to avoid the Knesset, or was there another explanation?

MR. RHODES:  Sure, Josh, thanks for the question.  We had discussions with the Israeli government about where the President would speak and they discussed a range of options with us.  So, first of all, they were open to a range of options and did not express a strong preference in that regard.

What we told the Israeli government is that the President was very interested in speaking to the Israeli people, and that, in particular, he wanted to speak to young people.  We obviously have a deep respect for the Knesset as the seat of Israeli democracy, and in the past, the President, again, has made clear the very significant attachment that we place on the fact that both Israel and the United States are democracy.  But you also know that the President, around the world, has often spoken to young people.  He spoke to young people, for instance, when he traveled to Cairo.  And in this instance, we felt like bringing together an audience of university students from a broad range of partners that our embassy has in Israel would allow him to speak, again, not just to political leadership, who he’ll be meeting with on the trip, but to the Israeli public and Israeli young people.

So as we put together the schedule, what you see is a significant amount of time that the President will be spending with Israel’s political leadership, a significant amount of time that he’ll be investing in some very iconic cultural sites with the Israeli people.  But the speech is a moment where he’ll be in a room with the Israeli public, and that really was our priority as we thought through what would make the best venue for the speech.

So we're very excited about the crowd that is being put together.  We know that it will represent a very broad range of views within Israel.  We welcome the fact that Israel has a very broad spectrum of views that’s a testament to the democracy and diversity of opinion that exists within Israel.  And it will be a very important event on the President's trip.

Q    Thank you, and thank you, Ben, for doing this.  President Abbas was meeting in the Kremlin with President Putin today, so I guess my question is do you coordinate those efforts with the Russians?  And also, do you see any prospect for meeting with Quartet process anytime soon?

MR. RHODES:  We obviously consult regularly with the Russians on issues related to Middle East peace through the Quartet process.  We're certainly aware of the Russians hosting President Abbas, so I'm sure that we'll be in touch with them to have a sense of where they see the current state of the peace process, where they see the potential opportunities to make progress.  So insofar as President Putin and President Abbas's discussions explore some of those issues, that could be an important opportunity, again, for us to continue to explore ways forward here. 

So I anticipate that we'll be in touch with both our Palestinian and our Russian partners after that meeting to have a sense of how those discussions went.  And we continue to believe that the Quartet has a role to play in terms of signaling the international community's support for an Israeli-Palestinian peace process and a two-state solution.

Q    Thank you.  In the past, the President linked finding a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian question to U.S. international security interests.  Five years later, you guys are lowering the expectation; you're saying that the President has no proposal.  Can you explain this gap?  Is it realism, or is it lack of intent to spend political capital on behalf of the President?

MR. RHODES:  Thanks for the question.  First of all, it very much continues to be in the U.S. national security interest for there to be an Israeli-Palestinian peace.  We believe it's in our interest, it's in Israel's interest, it's in the Palestinian interest and the world's interest, frankly, for there to be two states -- Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security.

So the U.S. will always continue to be engaged in this process in terms of trying to move it forward.  And we have been in the past.  We've taken a range of steps.  We sought to bring the parties together in direct negotiations.  We've put forward some U.S. principles on security in territory, and we've sought to help the parties as they built confidence and create an environment for talks.  And we'll continue with our efforts going forward.

Frankly, with respect to timing, the fact that the Israelis are just now finalizing their government I think speaks to the fact that they will have a new government in place, and we'll need to consult with that government before launching on any particular initiative. 

So again, it’s not that there’s any diminishment in the U.S. commitment to address this issue and to play a role in supporting Israeli-Palestinian peace.  Frankly, just the fact that the President is going to the region to meet with Israeli leaders, to meet with Palestinian leaders, I think signals that we’ll continue to be very much engaged.  And, frankly, this trip is an opportunity for him to hear from the leaders about what they see as the next steps.  So having those discussions will allow us to take stock and consider how we might move this process forward.

Q    Thanks for taking my call.  I was wondering if you could tell us if the First Lady will be on the trip, and also what the Secretary of State’s role will be?  And we’ve heard from the State Department that Secretary Kerry will be at least on part of the trip -- if you could tell us a little bit more about what he’ll be doing.

MR. RHODES:  Sure.  The First Lady won’t be on the trip.

With respect to the Secretary of State, he will be on the trip.  He’ll be accompanying us in each of the three stops in Israel and the West Bank and Jordan; expect that he will be with the President in most, if not all, of his meetings, certainly in line with the type of role that Secretary Clinton played on similar trips where she accompanied the President.

Also, frankly, Secretary Kerry just returned from a very long trip to the region.  He obviously did not go to these three stops because he anticipated that he’d be going with the President.  But he was able to consult with a number of the other leaders in Europe, in Turkey, in the Arab world, and had a sense of the broader context for some of the discussions the President will have.  So this trip will continue Secretary Kerry’s focus on the Middle East and his deep engagement with the leaders in the region.

Q    Hi, guys.  Thanks for doing the call.  Could you tell me a couple of quick ones -- does the President have any plans to meet with Syrian refugees on this trip?  Is the U.S. going to announce any new aid in any of the places?  And do you have any expectation that the new Israeli government would be more patient in terms of time and space, a diplomatic approach on Iran?  What kind of time frame do you think we might now be looking at?

MR. RHODES:  I'll answer the first question, and then kick it to Dan to discuss the government. 

With respect to the first question, we don't have plans to visit a refugee camp.  There are obviously very significant logistical and security challenges associated with the President traveling.  However, we will be focused on Syria as one of the agenda items in Jordan and I think we will be discussing with the government ways in which we can provide support for them and for other international partners to address their refugee crisis.

I don't want to get into specific assistance other than to say that it will certainly be a topic of conversation.  We provided already several hundred million dollars in assistance to deal with the Syrian refugee situation.  I'm certain, tragically, that we'll be providing more going forward.  So we'll have an opportunity to discuss with King Abdullah what the needs are, what the best way to provide assistance is, how they see the broader situation in Syria.

And, Dan, you may want to speak to the second question.

AMBASSADOR SHAPIRO:  Well, the new Israeli government has not yet been announced, so I think it would be premature to comment on its policies, and, obviously, when that time comes it will be for that government to speak for itself. 

But in general, I see a lot of continuity in our discussions.  Obviously, the same President and Prime Minister will continue to lead those discussions, and many of the members of the teams that they have had working with them and have done such important coordination on the issue of Iran and on many other issues are remaining in place.  So I think there will be a lot of continuity on those discussions.  But of course, the conversations between the President and the Prime Minister are the most important element of that coordination.

Q    Ben, you talked about how this was the first trip of the second term.  But we've been hearing an awful lot about foreign policy in the President's inaugural address or his State of the Union address.  So could you talk about, more broadly than just the Middle East, what are his priorities for the second term?  Does the President feel any more freedom, now that he doesn't have to face voters again, in foreign policy?  And it seems like a lot of kind of unclosed loops from the first time -- Iran, Syria, the relationship with Russia, the reset.  The rebalancing for Asia seems to be likely to come to a head in the next few years.  Can you talk about how he'll close that?

MR. RHODES:  I think the President is going to be very focused on an agenda that I think he provided the outlines of in the inaugural address and the State of the Union.  I just highlighted a few points that I think are at the front of our list for this year.  One is responsibly winding down the war in Afghanistan.  We have to continue to draw down a significant number of troops in transition to the Afghans and make a determination about what type of enduring commitment we'll have with Afghanistan after 2014. 

Second is non-proliferation.  And that involves, again, moving forward with a broad non-proliferation agenda.  You mentioned Russia.  That could involve discussion with the Russians about additional reductions, as the President signaled in his State of the Union speech.  But non-proliferation very much involves dealing with the challenges of North Korea.  And the President spoke to President Xi of China today about how to hold North Korea to its denuclearization commitments.  But of course, Iran -- and clearly, Iran is going to be a critical foreign policy issue for the President in his second term.  We have a commitment to preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon not just because it's in Israel's security interest, but because it's profoundly in ours. 

The President has invested a lot of effort in non-proliferation.  And, frankly, the strongest message we could send to advancing that agenda is being an administration that does not see a new nuclear weapons state, as has been the case in the previous administrations with North Korea, for instance, and India and Pakistan.  So we need to draw a strong line here on Iran precisely because it's important to reversing the tide of proliferation.  

Beyond that, in the Middle East, there are issues that the President will be talking about on this trip that are going to be critical to his second term:  How do we ensure for Israel's security in a very dangerous neighborhood?  How do we affect the trajectory of the movements that are sweeping across the region, recognizing that the people of the region will determine their outcomes? 

But we have a strong stake in seeing that democratic transitions are consolidated successfully in places like Egypt and Libya and Tunisia.  We have a strong stake in seeing that there is a broader movement of political reform, as has been the case in Jordan and Morocco.  And we have a strong stake in seeing, again, that the situation in Syria is resolved so that President Assad is removed from power and that the violence is ended and that the Syrian people can get about the business of building a country that is worthy of them.

And then, of course, the Asia Pacific region that you mentioned, we have a significant trade agenda that includes concluding the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement and the U.S.-E.U. agreement that the President launched in the State of the Union address even as we also are reevaluating our security footprint in the Asia Pacific, seeking to support the democratic transition in Burma, and just deepening U.S. engagement across the spectrum in the Asia Pacific. 

So those are the issues that he outlined in the State of the Union.  This trip I think is an opportunity to focus in on a region that will clearly be a focal point of some of those efforts, particularly as it relates to Israel, Israel-Palestinian peace, again, the democratic transitions in the region, and the issue of Syria and Iran.

Q    Thanks, Ben and Dan.  Ben, can you describe how central the Jordan stop is to this trip, and if the administration in any way thinks the Jordanian government is in any degree of jeopardy, and how well the administration believes it has withstood the various forces set in motion by the Arab Spring?  Is it carrying on political reform?  Yes, it had a parliamentary election, but the Islamic Action Front didn’t participate.  That’s not exactly new in Jordan, I realize, but I just wanted to get your assessment of what the President is there to do -- just to reassure the Jordanian government, or make some broader statement about what Jordan is doing and how it's dealing with the Arab Spring. 

And secondarily, I know this is off the rails a bit, but as a big issue -- and you talked about the President's conversation with the Chinese President -- can you tell us at all how much the issue of cybersecurity came up in that first presidential call with President Xi today?

MR. RHODES:  On Jordan, I think it's an important stop.  And it was important -- we could have just gone to Israel and the West Bank, but the President felt like it was important to go to Jordan for a number of reasons.  One, they are a key security partner, and we cooperate with the Jordanians on Israeli-Arab peace, as well as on counterterrorism and a range of other security issues.

Two, the situation in Syria is obviously deeply concerning to us.  Jordan has been a key partner of the United States in dealing with the refugee crisis.  They have also been a key partner in working with other Arab allies, our European allies and the Friends of Syria group to support, again, a transition that sees Assad leave and that strengthens the Syrian opposition so that they're in a better position to bring about the end of the Assad regime and also plan for the day after. 

But third, and very importantly, as you underscored, Jordan has a domestic reform process that is underway.  We believe that King Abdullah understands the need for political and economic reform within his country.  He has been sincere and consistent in calling for those types of reforms, and that is going to involve an opening up of the political process.  And the parliamentary elections were a step in that, but there’s obviously going to have to be follow-through.  And the King himself I think has acknowledged that there is going to have to be follow-through with the new government that gets into place in Jordan so that the Jordanian people can see their voices represented in their government -- can see issues that they care deeply about, like anti-corruption, represented in the agenda of that government, and can see a broader sense of economic opportunity. 

And the U.S. obviously provides substantial assistance to Jordan, both on the security side but also to help them meet some of those challenges. 

So as we look at the transitions in the Arab world, there are many different models taking place in many different countries.  Some are going to be very dramatic, as we saw in Egypt; some are going to be more steady over time, as we’re seeing in Jordan.  But we believe that the Jordanians are very sincere and committed to a reformed agenda, and the President wants to reinforce the need to make continued progress in that regard -- because ultimately reform is the path to lasting stability in terms of a government that is a partner of the United States and responsive to the Jordanian people.

On your second question, it was an issue on the agenda.  President Xi obviously has just taken office, and I think what President Obama signaled is that this is going to be a key part of the U.S.-China bilateral discussion in the years to come.  Just as we’ve had very constant communication with them on security issues and on a range of other economic issues around trade, cyber is now very much going to be a part of that dialogue -- given our significant concerns in this space and the need to assure protections for our citizens, our security, and our businesses. 

So I think the two leaders committed to engage in an ongoing discussion that addresses the cyber issue.

Next question.

Q    Hi, I wanted to ask -- four years after he gave the Cairo speech addressing the Arab populations of the world, he’s going back, and this is his first trip and he’s giving an address to the Israeli people.  Why not give a similar address to the Arab people sort of following up on that first speech?  And second of all, it coincides with the 10th anniversary of the invasion of Iraq.  Will the President address that at all?

MR. RHODES:  Thanks, Jane.  Well, I think it’s -- at the beginning of his administration, the President felt like it was very important for him to speak to Muslim communities around the world, given the extraordinary tensions that existed between the United States and the Muslim world.  And that was the purpose of the Cairo speech.  And, frankly, the Cairo speech lays out a framework that holds in terms of how the President views those issues, and literally the list of issues that we’re working together to address.  And we’ve made some progress on some of those issues, and less progress on others. 

You mentioned Iraq.  When the President gave the Cairo speech we had 150,000 troops in Iraq; today we have zero.  So I think that shows real, credible follow-through on a commitment that the President made in Cairo. 

Of course, we have not resolved the Israeli-Palestinian issue, which has been a challenge for decades, and we’re going to have to continue working at that.  But I think the template for how the President views the issues between the United States and the Muslim world were laid in Cairo.  And the template for how the President is viewing the transitions taking place in the Arab world was really laid out in his speech at the State Department of May of 2011 and his speech at the National Defense University on Libya.

This is a different opportunity for him to speak to the Israeli people, and he obviously has not had that opportunity before.  And given this is his first trip to Israel as President, we thought that it was very important for him to speak directly to Israelis about the nature of the friendship between the United States and Israel, and the challenges that we’re faced with and, frankly, to lift up these issues, and look on the horizon a bit, too, because at any given time there are issues that we’re working very hard with the Israelis -- regional security and counterterrorism, Iran, Syria -- and the President will address all those issues in his speech.  But I think he’ll also talk about where we’re trying to go together, what does true security mean for Israel, what is the goal of the United States and Israel in terms of bringing about prosperity and a lasting peace and security for our two countries.

And again, there’s no substitute for being able to do that in Israel as the American President.  As Dan said, it’s unique for an American President to go to Israel.  They can hear all kinds of messages from American leaders and American politicians from within the United States, but it’s just different when you're able to do it face to face.  So that's really the President’s intent in doing so.

Dan, I don't know if you have anything you want to add to that last point about the need to speak to the Israeli people.

AMBASSADOR SHAPIRO:  Just that I’d reiterate that there is sort of a hunger to hear.  And as I said, we’ve seen a tremendous outpouring and enthusiasm, people who would like to attend his speech.  And as Ben indicated, we will ensure that every sector of Israeli society is represented in the hall because that's an important part of our commitment, to talk to the whole of the Israeli public -- both from our embassy, but in this case, especially the President.  And I think that is something that flows from the sense of the shared destiny, shared history, shared values but also significant challenges that we face together.

Q    Thanks for taking the call, gentlemen.  Just one of the things -- with the election of the new Pope and the President’s trip, it seems that we’re going to have both the President and the Vice President abroad next week.  You’ll have to excuse me for not having the kind of institutional knowledge that Mark Knoller does, but is there a precedence for this?  Were there arrangements that had to be made in order to accommodate the fact that both of them will be moving abroad?  And do we have adequate safeguards in place that, God forbid, something would happen that we don't have another Al Haig moment?

MR. RHODES:  You know, it’s an interesting question.  I actually don't know for certain if they’ll be abroad at the same time.  I believe that the Pope’s first event is Tuesday that the Vice President is attending, and the President will be leaving late Tuesday night.  So it is an interesting question you ask.  I’m actually just not sure whether it will be the case that the Vice President is still overseas in Italy at the same time that President Obama will be leaving U.S. airspace for the region.

So we can look into that.  We do take those considerations into account and do prudent planning to ensure that we’re prepared for any contingency, and we often seek to coordinate their travel for that purpose.

Just to close, I will take the opportunity of a question that had a relationship to the Pope to make the point that, again, that one of the reasons why we thought it was important for the President to go the Church of the Nativity is this has been a very difficult -- there’s been a very difficult series of challenges for Christian communities in the region -- not just in the West Bank, but in places like Syria and Egypt and Iraq.  And recognizing the very deep and ancient Christian communities in that part of the world I think is an important thing to do, because in these transitions, we’ve underscored the need to protect the rights of minorities and we’ve underscored the need for pluralism.  And I think the visit to the Church of the Nativity is intended to send that signal.

So I’ll close on that.  I’ll point you to also the President’s interview with Israeli Channel Two that has his voice on this. 

And, Dan, I’ll turn it to you for the last word, including if you need to give any plugs to the embassy and its competition.

AMBASSADOR SHAPIRO:  Well, one more time, the embassy Facebook page has really been, in some ways, the locus of the most feverish excitement about this.  We have a competition for people to write us a comment and tell us why they would like to have one of the 20 tickets we’re giving away on that Facebook site to see President Obama’s speech.  We’re distributing lots of other tickets to lots of mostly young people, but some other Israelis, as well.

And again, it’s a continuation of what we do every day, which is really part of what President Obama always preaches, which is not just government-to-government work, which is important and goes on all the time, but also really deepening people-to-people connections, and getting to know the whole country.  So that’s what we’re doing, and President Obama is going to join us for the next week to do it as well.

MR. RHODES:  Yes.  In other words, also, Dan Shapiro is a social media star in Israel.  (Laughter.)  I encourage everybody to take a look not just at the Facebook page but some of his YouTube videos that I am particularly a fan of, as he’s been very robust in his outreach to the Israeli people and speaks much better Hebrew than I do.

With that, we’ll wrap up the call.  We’ll stay in touch with you guys over the next few days.  I know there’s a lot of interest in the trip and we look forward to seeing you all there.

END  
4:58 P.M. EDT

President Obama discusses the need to harness American energy in order to reduce our dependence on oil and make the United States a magnet for new jobs. He highlights his all-of-the-above approach to American energy -- including a proposal to establish an Energy Security Trust, which invests in research that will help shift our cars and trucks off of oil.

In the first foreign trip of his second term in office, President Obama will meet with the new Israeli government and speak to the Israeli people, as well as meet with the Palestinian leadership and the King of Jordan.

Here’s a quick glimpse at what happened this week on WhiteHouse.gov.

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Vice President Biden Announces Jake Sullivan as New National Security Advisor

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For Immediate Release February 26, 2013 Vice President Biden Announces Jake Sullivan as New National Security Advisor

WASHINGTON, DC – The Vice President announced today that Jake Sullivan will serve as his new National Security Advisor, starting this week. He succeeds Tony Blinken, who was appointed by the President to be his Principal Deputy National Security Advisor. Mr. Sullivan comes to the Vice President’s office from the State Department, where he served as the Director of Policy Planning and Deputy Chief of Staff to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

“Jake is the ideal person to serve as my National Security Advisor,” said Vice President Biden. “He is respected across the Administration for his intellect, his dedication to our country, and the perspective he brings to even the most complex issues. He has been part of some of the biggest foreign policy challenges our nation has faced, and he’s always handled himself with incredible skill. I’m glad to welcome Jake to my team, and I look forward to working with him.”

Mr. Sullivan joined the State Department in January 2009 as Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy. He also served as Deputy Policy Director on then-Senator Clinton’s presidential campaign, and was previously Chief Counsel to Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, his home state. Trained as a lawyer, he worked as an associate at the Minneapolis law firm of Faegre & Benson and as an adjunct professor at the University of St. Thomas Law School. Mr. Sullivan served as a clerk for Judge Guido Calabresi of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit and for Justice Stephen Breyer of the U.S. Supreme Court.

Mr. Sullivan graduated from Yale College with a degree in Political Science and International Studies. He earned an M.Phil. in International Relations from Oxford on a Rhodes Scholarship, where he served as managing editor of the Oxford International Review. He earned a J.D. from Yale Law School, where he was an Articles Editor of the Yale Law Journal.

Mr. Sullivan’s formal title will be Deputy Assistant to the President and National Security Advisor to the Vice President. 

Blog posts on this issue February 27, 2013 3:23 PM ESTRosa Parks has a Permanent Place in the U.S. Capitol

President Obama is on hand for the unveiling of the new Rosa Parks statue in the U.S. Capitol

February 27, 2013 12:00 PM ESTCatching Up with the Curator: Watch Meeting--Dec. 31st 1862--Waiting for the Hour

To mark African American History Month, as well as the 150th anniversary of the year the Emancipation Proclamation, we talked with White House Curator Bill Allman about a painting called Watch Meeting--Dec. 31st 1862--Waiting for the Hour that hangs near the Oval Office in the West Wing.

February 26, 2013 3:00 PM ESTPresident Obama Calls for a Responsible Approach to Deficit Reduction

President Obama strongly believes we need to replace the arbitrary cuts known as the sequester with balanced deficit reduction, and today he was at a shipyard in Newport News, VA to talk about what failing to do so will mean for middle class families.

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